Transgender Struggles in Indonesia: A Fight for Acceptance

IT'S 10 o'clock in the morning. "Mami Yulie Salon" in Cilandak, South Jakarta, hasn't yet had guests. The beauty salon room looks cramped with equipment taking up most space of the room. Photos and award certificates hang neatly on each corner of the walls. Three photos are set in French cities, with the caption read "Douarnenez Film Festival France 2014".

Yulianus Rettoblaut, 54, owner of "Salon Mami Yulie", told the story behind the three photos set in French cities. "I went to France to talk about the life of transgenders in Indonesia," said Mami Yulie, Yulianus' nickname.

Mami Yulie is a transgender woman and an advocate for transgender rights. She dresses as a woman in her daily life. She also fights for the basic rights of transgenders as citizens: the right to work, practice politics, get an education, and receive health insurance.

Mami Yulie contributed to the making of two documentaries. The first is about a shelter house for elderly transgenders, while the second is about the lives of transgenders in Indonesia. The story idea for the first movie came from Mami Yulie's struggle to build a shelter for elderly transgenders in 2010. In the second movie, Mami Yulie appears as a spokesperson for transgender people. These two movies brought Mami Yulie to France.

"The French wondered, 'how can transgenders roam freely in a Muslim-majority country? In our country, they are not as free as in your country.' Interestingly, quite the contrary, Indonesians often reject, ridicule and demean them," said Mami Yulie.

Mami Yulie studied law to defend transgenders. For her, education is very important, because it makes the articulation of Mami Yulie's ideas more structured and clearer. She speaks fluently in various forums to raise public awareness of transgender people. "I explain to them about the identity, role, and position of waria (transgenders) in Indonesia. Waria have been here for a long time. It's a social fact," said Mami Yulie.

Rooted in Traditional Arts

Indonesians are no stranger to a concept of combining male and female elements in one body. This concept is closely related to local beliefs and traditions. "In some societies there is an idea that people who can combine the elements of women and men are extraordinary human beings," Benedict Anderson wrote in “Dari Tjentini Sampai Gaya Nusantara”, the preface to Dede Oetomo's book Memberi Suara Pada Yang Bisu (Giving Voice to the Mute).

Ardhanari and Bissu statues are two examples of the combination of female and male elements. Ardhanari is a statue of a god during the Majapahit Kingdom, whose right side is male and left side is female. Meanwhile, Bissu originated from the pre-Islamic Sulawesi Kingdom. Their form is half male, half female. They became powerful shamans who conveyed messages from the gods.

The mixing of men and women in one body then manifests into art. Reog Ponorogo, an East Javanese art form dating back to the 13th century, is known for its pergemblakan, which refers to the custom of reog artists (warog) to keep a beautiful young boy who is dressed like a woman and is called a gemblak. Warog and gemblak sometimes have sex with each other.

In the far west, the Acehnese came up with the art of Rateb Sadati. Snouck Hurgronje, in The Achehnese, describes the performers of this art, one of them is a handsome boy dressed like a girl called Sadati.

Sulawesi also has its own term for men dressed as women. "...Kawe-kawe and Calabai are local terms for waria," wrote Tom Boellstorff in "Playing Back the Nation: Waria, Indonesian Transvestites" published in the journal Cultural Anthropology Vol. 19, No. 2 (2004). Kawe-kawe and Calabai can become Bissu as long as they are willing to accept hard training. Their activities are summarized in the records of travelers from Western countries in the 14th century.

So, do all these male artists also dress as women in their daily lives outside the realm of art? Not necessarily. Local tradition didn't allow men to act like women in their daily lives, so most of them remained men both by their behavior and clothing.

Dutch control over several regions in the archipelago resulted in the tightening of moral matters. Homosexuality behavior was strictly forbidden, let alone men dressing up as women and appearing in public. The Dutch only allowed freedom for gender expression in the realm of art. For example, in the 1830s, the Bantji Batavia group freely entertained audiences.

"The performers were young men dressed as women, sometimes in Western dress with long socks and bracelets around the ankles," wrote Pauline Dublin Milone in Queen City of the East: The Metamorphosis of a Colonial Capital, a dissertation at the University of California, Berkeley.

Entertainment similar to Bantji Batavia also appeared in Surabaya, Bali, and Sumatra. Each entertainment, depending on the place, has a different term to refer to male performers dressed as women. There are papaq, kedi, and roebia in the Malay region; wandu in Java; and bentji in Bali. These terms became more common as the position of bantji, kedi, papaq, roebia, and bentji changed: from stage entertainers to street sex workers.

The presence of these transgender sex workers was recognized in newspapers in Batavia at the end of the 19th century. Susan Blackburn in Jakarta Sejarah 400 Tahun (the 400 Years History of Jakarta) reveals that the March 2, 1889 edition of the daily Sinar Terang and the May 13, 1901 edition of Pemberita Betawi wrote about transgender problems in Tanah Sareal, Petojo, and Kebon Jahe. Transgenders were so common in Batavia in the early 20th century. According to Susan Blackburn, a village even emerged from a transgender settlement.

They peddled themselves on the sly. Most of their customers were Dutch because, according to them, not a single native was happy with their services.

Moral law in the Dutch East Indies strictly prohibited street prostitution including transgender prostitution, so they were often caught by the moral police. Over time, transgender prostitutes temporarily disappeared.

However, Indonesian independence opened a bit of space for them to appear more boldly in public. "Usually, they could be found at the Burgemeester Bisschopplein, at Logeplantsoen, or at Lembangmeer, in public places located in the middle of the Menteng wijk (district), which is known as the best Dutch wijk," wrote Siasat, May 20, 1951.

Knowing that transgenders appeared openly, the police organized a raid. The prostitutes scattered to avoid the raid, but eight of them were eventually caught. However, the arrest was a blessing in disguise for them as journalists interviewed them at the police station, intending to shed light on their complicated lives.

The transgender prostitutes began to tell stories about themselves. Not only as men in women's clothing, but also as men with female souls. They claimed to be trapped in men's bodies.

"Most of the transgenders stated that their inclinations had been felt since they were children. This is why they have never known the feeling of being a man," wrote Siasat. Sexually, they are attracted to men and not women. Only a few trans women choose to have sex with women.

They tried to show their true identity to their families hoping that the family would understand them, but the confession only made their family angry. Unable to accept reality, their family expelled them from the house.

Transgenders lost their education, jobs, and shelter. Even blending into society was difficult for them, as the community bombarded them with expletives and insulted them by calling them bandule cilik (small testicles). Other times, people associate effeminacy with cowardice.

Trans people were always cornered in their life. "The livelihood of the trans people is also very difficult due to economic and social pressure," wrote Siasat. To survive without adequate education and skills, they use a simple strategy: selling their bodies on the streets. The streets eventually form solidarity between transgenders, whose bond is strong and close.

They meet, help each other, and even create a new language for their circle on the streets. They find the word banci or sissy very hurtful, because the word has become a mockery. They agreed to introduce a new term to refer to themselves: bencong, an alternative of banci by adding the insertion -e and the suffix -ong.

The term bencong prevailed in the 1960s, in line with the growth of the transgender population.

Benedict Anderson, a young American researcher and later the world's leading Indonesianist, witnessed the growth of bencong as early as 1962.

"And if you take a walk at night in Jakarta, you can often see sissies, who are really beautiful, wandering around. They are often half-jokingly praised for their beauty by my female friends," wrote Benedict Anderson.

The Four Groups

Knowing that the transgender population was growing rapidly at the end of the 1960s, the Jakarta local government registered them. "In Jakarta there are 15,000 transgenders," Kompas wrote on August 15, 1968, quoting the government.

Transgenders in Jakarta consisted of four groups. "Bencong abadi (true transgenders), bencong separuh (half transgenders), bencong bantet (underdone transgenders), and bencong single fighter, or those that hide...," wrote Djaja, November 2, 1968. Each of them has distinctive characteristics.

The true transgenders group is characterized by those wearing women's clothing in everyday life, while half transgenders only wear women's clothing at certain times. Underdone transgenders usually wither before developing and return to being a man. Lastly, single fighter transgenders or disguised transgenders are good at covering up their gender identity.

The sexual orientation of these transgenders is diverse. They don't always have sex with men, as sometimes they still want to have sex with women. This is usually the case with half transgenders and underdone transgenders groups.

Meanwhile, the true and disguised transgenders group only have a sexual orientation towards men. These groups position themselves as women, and they refer to their "husbands" as lekong (a shift from the word laki or man).

Assuming that bencong are still men, people often equate bencong with homosexuals, but they reject this outright. "In general, the transgenders draw a clear dividing line with the homosexual group and are not happy to be called homosexuals... A gay man does not have a woman's soul, while a transgender has a woman's soul and practices female ways," wrote Djaja, November 9, 1968.

The background of transgenders is also very broad. Some, who usually live off the streets, are only elementary school graduates and come from poor families.

Meanwhile, the others are born into wealthy families and have the opportunity to get an education up to university. They use their capital and skills to open a salon or work in an office, despite having to conceal their identity.

These categories of transgenders were revealed in Djaja's special report during October-November 1968, which aims to explain the identity, role, and position of transgenders in Indonesia. Djaja hoped that the public would be able to understand the transgender community and that the government would be able to handle the problem wisely.

From Bencong to Wadam

Unfortunately, the reality was quite different. The public still lumped all bencong together, and the government still conducted sporadic, non-coordinated raids without touching the root of the transgender problem. Ali Sadikin, the Governor of Jakarta, finally intervened.

He gathered, met, and talked to the transgenders at the end of 1968. "They are also human beings, and they are also residents of Jakarta, so I have to take care of them too," Ali Sadikin said in his biography, Bang Ali: Demi Jakarta by Ramadhan KH.

The transgenders felt honored to be face to face with the governor. Their hopes were raised. "I asked Mr. Ali to issue an appeal to the public so that transgenders are accepted as they are," said one of them.

Ali Sadikin thought transgenders should be useful, explore their potential, be educated, and work lawfully. They should not prostitute themselves. "But it's not easy to get a job. Well, as long as they aren't too conspicuous, it's alright," said Ali Sadikin.

After meeting the transgenders, Ali Sadikin proposed a new term to refer to them: wadam, combining the word wanita (woman) and adam (man). "It's the first term without a derogatory tone for transgenders," wrote Tom Boellstorff. Ali Sadikin also allowed wadam to manage a bar called Paradise Hall when the Jakarta Fair took place in Jakarta.

"Not long into its run, Paradise Hall was forced to close. It went bankrupt due to lack of visitors. Since then, transgenders have returned to roam everywhere, looking for a living," wrote Kemala Atmojo in Kami Bukan Lelaki (We Are Not Men). Some wadam returned to prostitution. Lapangan Banteng Park, Monas, Surapati Park, and Taman Lawang became their bases.

Other wadam tried to become entertainers by joining the Miss Wadam contest, which later gave rise to many professional wadam entertainers. They performed in hotels and nightclubs individually or in groups.

Wadam entertainers quickly gained popularity. Their pay was high, and their daily needs were met. However, they never forgot where they came from and still thought about the fate of their friends on the street.

"According to the wadam themselves, the only way to reduce the wandering of these wadam is to accommodate them in a forum that has healthy creative activities," wrote Vista No. 13, February 1970.

Without waiting for the help of others, the wadam realized their own needs. They formed the Djakarta Wadam Association (Hiwad) in 1973 with Maya Puspa as the chairperson. She is a well-known wadam in Jakarta because of her achievements and social sensitivity. Hiwad aims to fight for a decent life for wadam. Some of their programs include training in hairdressing, makeup, sewing, and fashion design.

Hiwad changed its name to Himpunan Waria (Hiwaria) in 1978. The name change was due to Alamsjah Ratu Perwiranegara's objection to the term wadam which alludes to the name of the Prophet Adam and Eve, his wife. President Soeharto also agreed to change the term wadam to waria.

However, the change of term didn't have any impact on the fate of most waria, as they remain cowering in the corner of life. They even had to deal with raids again that became more intense.

Trans women ran around to save their lives. Some fought back, but the price was costly: their lives. Two trans women, Susi and Iin, drowned in a river near Taman Lawang in 1979.

Their deaths ignited the struggle from the transgender community. They refused to beg the government and the public and instead chose to fight for their own rights. And their struggle has always given rise to driving figures. From Maya Puspa to Mami Yulie.

"Our struggle isn't over yet. We aren't pursuing transgender marriage. We're just fighting for our basic rights, that's all," Mami Yulie told Historia. She encouraged all transgenders to get educated.

"Education is the best fighting tool for us to earn a place. This has been proven," said Mami Yulie. The public began to recognize the meaning of Mami's presence regardless of her gender. Certainly, a bright hope for other waria.